traitor, pathologically tiresome and stupid
     person. Pretending  to  be half serious  - half joking he told about me
things, which he never discussed with me and
     which could turn the whole anger of Israeli ultra-patriots against  me.
He had no personal reasons for that provocation
     and it could  be explained only by the involvement  of the authorities.
(This interview and circumstances, which
     surrounded it, were  discussed  during my immigration hearings). During
one of our immigration hearings Mrs.
     J.  Malka,  the immigration officer, used  non-conventional  methods to
distort the reason, why I presented this article,
     and did not let me speak.  In the same time, she used some information,
which I shared with Mr. Mark Kotlarsky only.
     In 1993, I was attacked in Tel-Aviv after my conversation with "MAARIV"
and "Yidiot Achronot" correspondent,
     Avraham Pelet. (See my refugee claim). Mrs. J. Malka's attitude towards
this event and her "evaluation" of it was the
     same:  not to  let me  speak! Multiple  attempts  by  the  governmental
structures to confront me with anger of the most
     sensitive and dangerous in anger social and ethnic groups could lead to
my death and were equal to assassination
     attempts.  Even here, in Montreal, Israelis threaten me through people,
whom I knew in Israel (listen to the tapes of
     my  last immigration hearing),  or  via E-mails, or  by telephone calls
(see Document #30 of Supplements). I also
     presented a  letter from Israel to the Immigration Board.  This  letter
also informed about such threats (see my file).

     These threats are not jokes!  To send such a person (who was considered
by such a sensitive - towards ideological
     opponent - state  as Israel as  an enemy) backmeans to sign  him (me) a
death penalty. Know that by sending me back
     to Israel you would kill me! I am writing this just to remind you  what
you might be responsible for.

     But  Mrs.  Malka  several  times  threatened  me  directly  during  the
hearings, one time even suggested that she will start a
     legal procedure against me in civil (or - may be in criminal?) court.

     But if even a politically motivated threat to my life  could not exist,
even then risk to my life could always exist in Israel
     because a person like me could  never accommodate in strictly regulated
- ideologically, religiously, ethnically,
     socially, politically, and military - society as Israeli. And it had to
be evidently clear to the board! It clearly evaluated
     from  the  refugee hearing  procedures!  I  had innumerous incidents in
Israel, which were already described in my
     refugee  claim. It had to be  evidently clear to the IRB  members (from
the background of our conversation) that I could
     add a  description  of  others  less  or  more  serious  incidents  and
conflicts, which used to happen to me in Israel
     practically  every  day.  They  were caused  by my inability to use  to
growing demands of ultra-orthodox, by my entire
     and psychological incompatibility  with  the  Israeli  society,  by  my
softness, which provoked harsh by nature Israelis to
     attack (abuse) me. Often conflicts erupted because I did not understand
the tough subordination within the Israeli
     society or  could not  use to it. In  my refugee claim I described only
some events, caused by fully developed incidents.
     But  there  were thousands  others,  which  merely  did  not  developed
completely, and if would develop themselves,
     could lead to  severe consequences,  including my death.  Since we left
Israel political and social situation there
     became even tenser. It is  more possible now that I would not only face
the same incidents and conflicts (if removed to
     Israel), as in  1991-94, but more tense,  which  could  soon lead to my
death.

     Risk to my life  would immediately  erupt in Israel not only because of
above-mentioned reasons. The commissioners
     could  see from my claim and all documents (if they wanted to see) that
in Israel the state of my health in 1991-94
     became so bad that it could make  me  an invalid or cause  my death.  I
possesed multiple medical documents, which
     could illustrate that. In Israel I got a hyper-tonic disease (which - I
believe - came as a result of a battery; I gave
     explanations  and   necessary  proofs  already  during  my  immigration
hearings), I had multiple infections, flues, terrible
     headaches,  heart  disorders,  tics...  In  1994 I  had  such  a  heart
disorder, which was suspected as a minor heart attack. I
     suffered severe  heart pains and other hard disorders  during 2  weeks,
and I was sick much longer. In
     mentioned-above  interview  Mr. M.  Kotliarski  wrote about  my infarct
(heart attack). (See this article in Supplements;
     document # 29).  I already  presented medical documents  to the  IRB. I
supply you the new copies (Supplements,
     documents #35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40) in terms if they somehow disappeared
from my file by the time of the hearings
     or were not presented to the board.

     Danger to my life could be even wider because during our life in Israel
there were multiple conflicts with
     doctors-Israelis, and they refused  to  serve members of my family, and
me, several times. We were also expelled from
     medical center "Ramat Verber" in spite of the  money, which we paid for
membership. Since we came to Canada my
     health improved. But it could not  stand  stresses of  eventual removal
and life in a thrusted on me society.

     My life would be under an extreme danger in Israel also because my past
life there has already shown that no
     institution,  no organization would defend me. I would have no legal or
other defense. IBR members could express
     insinuations that I used to turn to many institution  and organizations
not for protection and help but to "spread
     slander," but they did not want to comment (in their negative decision)
the fact of refusals or inability of all these
     institutions and organizations to help me. In reality this fact  is one
of the most essential. If I was (and would be)
     completely unprotected in Israel - then how would I go back there?

     The  Immigration  Board  members  also  did not let  me speak  about my
confrontation with Mossad. In reality this
     confrontation  might become one  of  the  main threats  to my life if I
would be removed to Israel. This confrontation has
     begun  in my  native city (see  Document #2). In Warsaw  it jeopardized
(see the same document, p.p. 4, 5).
     When  we  were  placed  in  the  hotel  in  Warsaw, our  guardians have
repeatedly told us that we are going to pay a hard
     price for inviting  our Polish friends  to the Central railway station.
They accused us that we almost destroyed the whole
     operation of transporting  the Soviet Jews, and that Warsaw  was almost
closed as a transit point because of us. Later,
     in airplane, other guardians told us that  our flight was postponed for
almost two hours (that was true) also because of
     us. I could not by then and can  not now verify if there  was  any real
information behind their words, but I am sure that
     there were  Mossad men,  and they were very  angry on us. In Ben Gurion
airport, in a room, where all fresh arriving
     males were called, another Mossad man told  me that I have to face  the
full responsibility for what happened in
     Warsaw,  and there  would  be  severe consequences for me.  He was also
angry because of my refusal to answer his
     questions. He  told me that he knows that I had problems with  KGB.  He
told also that they know from some of my
     friends  (I immediately thought about Rodov)  that  I  used  to collect
information about KGB. He asked me where I keep
     this information - in my memory or  in writing -  and asked me to share
it with them. He spoke Russian with Hebrew
     accent  (probably, studied Russian  somewhere),  and  he  has a  wound,
probably, from the battlefield. He was tired and
     sad, and I felt  sympathy to him. But I could not share my observations
about KGB with him because I remembered
     that (according to my conclusions and some books) KGB and Mossad worked
together. Because of my sympathy to
     him  and  because I was disoriented, desperate and  afraid I  could not
keep silence. I told that the only KGB man I saw
     in my life close was  the chairperson of local KGB in  Bobruysk when he
came to read a lecture to the Jewish club. He
     asked me who invited him to  the club. I told that  the chairman of the
club, Rodov, invited him. Or he might order
     Rodov to invite him...He wasn't satisfied by  my answers. He started to
speak to me in a sharp manner, even shouted
     on me. He expressed  his anger clear enough and told that because of my
refusal to cooperate fully I may be
     contacted later. During the refugee hearings the board members just did
not let me speak about that all...



     Some of that facts were not described in my refugee claim or during the
hearings because of 3 reasons: my lawyer's
     recomendations(see p.1  of  this  Document), his  translator's sabotage
(see Document # 3), or IRB members
     refusal  to let  me speak (see Group of Documents # 4, Document #1). My
lawyer's recommendations were good
     until the  IRB  members started  to  use  "unconventional" methods  and
aggressive behavior. Analyzing my conversation
     with Mossad (Shabak) officer at Ben-Gurion airport I came to conclusion
that information they could collect some
     additional  information  about  me  from  my  manuscripts,  which  were
confiscated during (after) our flight
     Warsaw-Tel-Aviv  (Lod). Protesting  against confiscation of some of  my
belongings I turned to Ben-Gurion's airport
     administration, to other institutions and  organizations. You could see
a copy of one of my complains composed in
     1991: and,  if you would  doubt that it  was composed in  1991, I could
give you the original, which could be checked
     and  which  age  could  be  determined  in  one or  another  way.  (See
Supplements, Documents # 40, 41, 42).

     I was contacted by Mossad in Israel after the  airport's  conversation.
Defense, suspension of persecutions, and help in
     obtaining prosperity were proposed by then in exchange to suspension of
my human rights and journalistic activity.
     To prove that I could present not only a  letter from Israel (which was
discussed during our last immigration hearing),
     but also other material proofs  like business  card  with the name  and
telephone number of the person, who contacted
     me, and so on. (Supplements, Document # 43).
     Here  are just several examples of how important were the things, which
the IRB did not let me to tell. I could give more examples of the most vital
for the valuation of my
     case  things,  which  description was  blocked  by the  IRB.  They used
aggressive behavior, psychological pressure, administrative orders, and even
threats for
     preventing  me from the  particular  things'  description. In  the same
time,  these things might be critical for the question of not just mine, but
all family members' life or
     death!

     One  of the most  significant  indications that the danger  to  my life
always exists in Israel is that Israeli police abused me.
     IRB members could speak non-stop about how it was not typical, but they
could not deny the fact of abuse itself. In
     Israel, where  tortures by police  or  army are legal (see Supplements,
Documents # 44), army or police could
     always torture and kill me or any other member of my family. In context
of all that I described and explained above
     police action against me  does not looks occasional. To show how police
in Israel is dangerous for innocent
     unprotected people I support this paragraph by several  documents  (see
Documents # 45, 46, 47).

     Please, believe me that I  am  not exaggerating the  risk to my life. I
have enough experience to detect it as real: and it
     is real!

1.4.

     Our removal from Canada back to Israel could be an extreme sanction  in
itself. Because what happened
     in 1991 was  not  our  freewill immigration  to  Israel  but a forcible
deportation to Israel executed by both
     communist and Israeli authorities (see  Document #2). Our removal to  a
country we do not belong to and
     which citizenship was thrust on us against our free will is immoral and
inhuman. To extradite us to Israel
     means to return us back to captivity.
     During more  then 3 years I was refused a special permission,  which is
required for immigrants, to leave Israel (listen
     to my 1-st hearing's recording). In supported documents I explain why I
did not mention that in my refugee claim but
     only during the hearings  (see  p.1 of  this Document). We quit  Israel
with such extreme difficulties that we never
     could  leave  it   any  more  if  removed  there,  and  could  not  fly
persecutions any more. We, adults, and even our children
     could stay in captivity there to the rest of our lives!

     If we  would  be removed  back  to  Israel  extreme and most vulnerable
sanctions could be adopted against us there.
     Such sanctions not just highly expected, but are obvious  since Israeli
authorities already practiced extreme
     administrative  pressure   on   us   in  1991-1994.   There  were  next
administrative sanctions.

     A).  a) Refusal  to  give my wife,  and me  permission to  work  in our
professions. b) Refusal to give me an employment
     authorization at all after 1992.


     1. We were  not  given  an appropriate  language course  as  all  fresh
immigrants.

     2. The Ministry of Culture and Education refused to make equivalents of
my wife's, and mine diplomas, when they
     had to do that automatically according to Israeli rules. I have already
presented all material evidences to the
     Immigration  Board, and  the board did  not express any  doubt in these
documents authenticity. That fact was also
     mentioned during our immigration hearings.

     3. Without these equivalents, we were not  legitimate for  a permission
to work in our professions, as well as for the
     most of the professional courses available.

     4. I was legitimate  to enter only one course -  "Talpiot", - which was
denied me. The reason of the denial was not
     given.
     My protests and demands to provide me with a  reason of the denial were
lost without notice. Maitre Stanley Levin, the
     only  Israeli lawyer  who  agreed  to defend me in  Israel, composed  a
letter to the Minister of Culture and Education Mr.
     Amnon  Rubinshtein. Maitre S.Levin's letter  and  Mr. A.  Rubinshtein's
response were presented to the IRB (see
     Documents # 48 in Supplements). That  topic was widely discussed during
my immigration hearings; the
     Immigration Board expressed no  doubts that this conflict took place in
reality. In the same time the commissioners did
     attempts to  misrepresent this event  and to place it  in dependence of
mentioned in my wife's Israeli eternal passport
     nationality. Maitre Dore, who replaced  my main  lawyer during the time
of the hearings, did a mistake, allowing the
     commissioners to lead him in that  question. In reality, I would reject
"Talpiot's" administration demands to show my
     wife's passport-related nationality even  if it was marked as "Jewish":
because for the people like me such a demand
     was disgracing and racist. And I do not think that this little incident
was the real reason of the refusal. But I could not
     name  the "reason" because  the term  "political persecutions"  is  too
abstract for the commissioners.

     5.  The Ministry's  of Labor  governmental Labor  Exchange  refused  to
register me as unemployed after the first
     accommodative trial period  in Israel. Israeli regulations by then  put
some restrictions on employers to employ a
     person who  was not registered by the  governmental  labor exchange. In
reality, it was equal to a refusal of an
     employment authorization. In  the  same time this refusal  prevented us
from getting any social assistance, too. (See
     letter  from Maitre  S.  Levin  to  the Labor  Exchange administration:
Supplements, Document # 49).
     (This also was discussed during the refugee hearings).

     6. When -  in spite  of  that - I  had  found an official  job and  was
employed, and my wife was employed, too, we were
     paid less then the minimum wage. We had to be paid by the government an
additional amount of money till the level
     of the income security, but were refused.

     7. We struggled till our last day in Israel for the right to  obtain an
official explanation in writing of the refusal to register
     us at labor exchange, to pay us welfare, and to get an  adjustment till
the subsisting minimum, which had to be paid us
     according to the  law.  We demanded to  present us  the  reasons of all
these refusals, but we did not succeed in our
     demands...
     8. We also turned to the Civil Court, and the court recognized me as an
unemployed. But the labor's exchange
     administration  refused to register me even then, in spite of the Civil
Court's decision. (See this decision in
     Supplements, Document #50).


     All  these above-mentioned  items  were  mentioned during  our  refugee
hearing but the commissioners avoided evaluating them in context of
     our refugee claim  but transferred  the discussions  to the demagogical
and political spheres.

     This justify the next question: was it a refugee  hearing or it  was  a
political process or a pro-Israeli propaganda forum?


     9.  My  wife,  and  me  -  we  turned  to a  number  of  personalities,
organizations and institutions like lawyer Maitre Stanley
     Levin, Histadrut, Sochnut,  Civil Court of Petach-Tikva, Ratz (Movement
for Human Rights and Peace), municipality of
     Petach-Tikva, municipality's legal consultant, and  so on,  without any
result. (See the whole list in Supplements, #8).

     This topic was  one of the  most widely  discussed during  our  refugee
hearings!


     10. The  commissioners could easy  conclude that this situation removed
our legal status in Israel from us. We became
     people without  any legal status because we were socially (and legally)
totally deprived. We could not obtain a bank card,
     credit card, take a loan, be responsible for any business operation, in
other words, had no rights of citizens.

     11. After my wife was bitten on her job and  turned  to police, she was
not paid her salary. No institution (this event was
     discussed during  our immigration hearings) expressed a will to  defend
her rights.

     To  examine documents  related  to this  part  see our  file  and  also
Supplements, Documents #51,52.

     B). Incredible financial pressure through illegal billing, taxation, or
fines.

     1.   Illegal  billings.   Exaggerated  telephone   bills,   bills   for
long-distance calls, which we never did, etc., were coming. We had
     to pay all  of  them because it was no place  where to  turn to dispute
them.
     2. Taxation. We had  to pay taxes for TV, which we did not have by then
(in Israel you must pay taxes for radio and TV), for
     medicine and medical services (some  of them  fresh immigrants or  - in
other cases - people with small income - did not
     have to